Out of the Shadow of a Giant Read online

  These activities took place against the background of the Civil War (actually a series of wars), which lasted from 1642 to 1651. Although the Isle of Wight was staunchly Royalist, its geographical isolation just off the south coast of England, and a judicious surrender to Parliament at the beginning of the conflict, spared it from the turmoil suffered by much of the country, but it was a natural place for Charles I to set up a Royalist base when he escaped from Parliamentary captivity in November 1647 (it is widely thought that he was allowed to escape by the Parliamentarians, at a loss to know what to do with him, in the hope that he would flee to permanent exile in France). This adventure came to nothing, but must have made an impression on Robert, who remained a Royalist throughout his life.

  All the model-making and wandering abroad in the countryside came to an end, however, in October 1648, when Hooke’s father died. Robert was just thirteen. John had been ill for some time, and knowing that his time was short had made careful provisions for the family. He left the boy as his share ‘forty pounds of lawful English money, the great and best-joined chest, and all my books’; there was an additional legacy of £10, which had been held by John in trust for Robert, from the will of Robert’s maternal grandmother. The total sum of £50 sounds modest today, and some accounts describe the boy as an impoverished orphan. But in terms of spending power, it was equivalent to about £20,000 today, certainly enough to give him a start in life, even if he would soon have to find a way to earn a living. It may be significant that Robert’s inheritance was entirely portable – as Lisa Jardine put it: ‘cash, books and a chest to carry them in’. Clearly Robert’s future away from the island was already planned. The first step down the road to that future took him as an apprentice to the studio of the portrait painter Peter Lely at Covent Garden in London,fn2 just about at the time the King’s adventure on the island came to an end and he was carried off once again, this time permanently, by the forces of Parliament. Charles was beheaded on 30 January 1649.

  Hooke was almost certainly introduced to Lely by John Hoskins, who may have been the person who took him from the Isle of Wight to London. It is easy to imagine the likely fate today of a thirteen-year-old boy with £20,000 in his pocket, installed as an apprentice to an artist in Covent Garden, part of the expanding metropolis of London, then home to some four hundred thousand people. But children were expected to grow up more quickly in the seventeenth century, and Hooke, as he soon demonstrated, was no ordinary child, even by the standards of his day.

  But Robert did not stay with Lely for long. Almost as soon as he was installed in Lely’s studio, Robert had second thoughts. According to John Aubrey, who later became a close friend of Hooke, he decided that Lely had nothing to teach him: he ‘quickly perceived what was to be donne, so, thought he, why cannot I doe this by my selfe and keep my hundred pounds?’fn3 According to Waller, Hooke was put off a career as an artist by the smell of the painting materials, which brought on a recurrence of the headaches that had plagued his childhood. Both accounts may, of course, contain part of the truth. And in the light of what happened next, there may be a third thread to the story.

  After a brief time with Lely, Hooke enrolled at the prestigious Westminster School, where the headmaster, Richard Busby, held on to his post in spite of his Royalist sympathies and the proximity of Parliament. It is easy to identify the connection that took him there. Cardell Goodman, the rector at Freshwater, had been a pupil at the school, and was a witness to and executor of the will of John Hooke. Our own speculation is that Robert was supposed to be going to Westminster School all along, with his money and chest full of books, but was briefly tempted by the thought of becoming an artist. It is fortunate for the development of science in Britain that he quickly came to his senses and followed what was probably his father’s plan.

  Busby was an enlightened headmaster (in some ways; he was also a strict disciplinarian) who charged pupils according to their intellectual ability as well as their ability to pay. Some paid as much as £30 a year, which would soon have eaten up Robert’s inheritance. But some paid nothing at all, and were lodged in Busby’s house. There is no record of what, if anything, Robert paid for his education, but he was one of Busby’s special cases, bright but relatively poor boys who did not necessarily follow the regular curriculum (which still concentrated on the Classics, Greek and Latin literature) but had freedom to develop other skills that might be useful in later life. The ‘regular’ pupils, sons of gentlemen all, and including John Locke, Christopher Wren (three years Hooke’s senior, who became his close friend in Oxford) and John Dryden, had no need to get their hands dirty in this way. But it suited Hooke perfectly.

  Although he was not often seen at lessons (at least, according to Aubrey), during his time at Westminster Hooke mastered Latin and could converse in the language, and studied Greek and Hebrew, like the classical scholars. He also, though, learned to play the organ, a skill that would soon come in handy, and mastered the mathematical works of Euclid. According to Waller:

  he fell seriously upon the study of the Mathematicks, the Dr. [Busby] encouraging him therein. and allowing him particular time for that purpose. In this he took the most regular Method, and first made himself Master of Euclid’s Elements, and thence proceeded orderly from that sure Basis to the other parts of the Mathematicks, and thereafter to the application thereof to Mechanicks, his first and last Mistress.

  Instead of his lessons, he could be found in one of the workshops associated with the school, where he spent the long hours bent over a lathe that he thought produced his stoop. It seems more likely, however, that he suffered from a condition known as Scheuermann’s kyphosis, a curvature of the spine that develops in adolescence and may have a genetic basis but has been linked to poor diet when young.

  Hooke’s interest in ‘Mechanicks’ while at Westminster led him, among other things, to devise ‘thirty severall wayes of Flying’, he later told Aubrey. John Wilkins, the Warden of Wadham College in Oxford, was another person interested in mechanical devices, and had written a book about them, published in 1648, with the splendid title Mathematicall Magick, or the wonders that can be performed by mechanical geometry. The book dealt with the use of levers, pulleys and other mechanical aids for practical uses, then went on to more speculative discussion of mechanical automata, including flying machines (ten years earlier, Wilkins had speculated in print about the possibility of flying to the Moon). It seems that Hooke’s interest in mechanical devices, and in particular flying machines, was reported to Wilkins by Busby, helping to smooth Hooke’s path when in due course he too moved on from Westminster to Christ Church. Indeed, Wilkins gave a copy of his book to the boy while he was still at Westminster and Hooke still had the book at the time of his death. When he made the move to Oxford, he left behind someone who had become a firm friend, not just his schoolmaster. Busby and Hooke remained friends for the rest of Busby’s life (he died in 1695), and Hooke was the architect for a church and vicarage built for Busby at Willen, in Buckinghamshire, in the 1680s. When Busby was Archdeacon of Westminster, Hooke carried out several commissions at the Abbey, including repaving the choir, where the black and white marble flooring he had installed can still be seen. But an architectural career lay far in the future when Hooke went up to Oxford in 1653, at the age of eighteen.

  The path from Westminster to Christ Church was a well-trodden one. Each year, four Westminster students were awarded scholarships to the college; but Hooke was not one of the four selected in 1653. Instead, he was awarded a choral scholarship, thanks to his musical ability. This seems to have been literally money for nothing, because during the Parliamentary Interregnum such frivolities as church music were banned. In addition, we are told that Hooke acted as a servitor (or ‘subsizar’) to a ‘Mr Goodman’. The position of servitor, acting as a servant to a more wealthy student, was a way for less well off but academically gifted students to make their way at Oxford or Cambridge in those days. The duties might be very light or more onerous,
depending on who was being ‘served’. But there is no record of a student called Goodman in Christ Church at the time Hooke was up in Oxford. The logical conclusion is that he was being supported by Cardell Goodman, himself a former Westminster scholar and Christ Church graduate, perhaps with the notional title of servitor for administrative reasons. Although Goodman died in 1653, he could well have left money for the purpose. If so, once again it was money for nothing, and a clear indication of the high academic reputation Hooke had already achieved at the age of eighteen.

  Hooke’s time as a student in Oxford was distinctly out of the usual path of other students. Although he went up to Christ Church in 1653, he did not matriculate (in effect, register to study for a degree) until 1658, and he never took the BA examination, although he was awarded an MA in any case in 1663, after he had left Oxford (this is not, as we shall see, totally unlike what later happened to Edmond Halley). Instead of following a conventional course of study, alongside what (if anything) he was studying in college he worked as an assistant to two of the pioneering scientists of the time, first Thomas Willis and then Robert Boyle.fn4 The connection with Willis, and through him a group of scientists, had begun by 1655, when Hooke was twenty.

  At the time, a new way of investigating the world was being pioneered, and its key feature was experiment. Since the time of the Ancient Greeks, philosophers had developed their ideas by logic and reason, without actually getting their hands dirty by carrying out experiments. This led to the wide dissemination of such ideas as the notion that a heavy object falls more quickly than a light object, even though a simple experiment was sufficient to prove the idea wrong. By the early seventeenth century, individual scientists were applying the experimental method – Galileo most famously, who, although he never did drop objects from the tower in Pisa, did do experiments rolling balls down inclined slopes to see what really happened to them. In England, William Gilbert, a physician at the court of Queen Elizabeth, carried out many experiments with magnets and made huge advances in understanding the nature of magnetism, but equally significantly he explained the importance of the scientific method of testing ideas by experiment. Indeed, his writing directly influenced Galileo, who read Gilbert’s book De Magnete. Another pioneer of the experimental method was William Harvey, who discovered the circulation of the blood. Harvey had an Oxford connection – as one of the King’s physicians he had been residing in the city with Charles when the King made it his capital during the Civil War. Ironically, though, the person who had the most direct influence on the new experimenters was not an experimenter himself. Francis Bacon, one of the key politicians of the Elizabethan age, published his ideas about the experimental method of scientific research in 1620, under the title Novum Organum. In essence, Bacon’s argument was that progress should be made by collecting facts, forming hypotheses based on study of these facts, then (crucially) using these hypotheses to make predictions that could be tested by carrying out experiments. As long as the experiments agreed with the predictions, the hypothesis being tested could be elevated to the status of a theory, but any theory could potentially be brought crashing down by a single experiment that gave results that did not match its predictions. In due course, the founders of the Royal Society, led by the same John Wilkins we have already met, would explicitly found their institution on their interpretation of Baconian philosophy. And some of those founders were experimenting in Oxford in the 1650s.

  The first stirrings of the scientific debates that led to the founding of the Royal Society took place in London, in the mid-1640s, where a group of men, including Wilkins, used to meet to discuss ‘experimental philosophy’. This was at the height of the political and religious turmoil of the Civil Wars, and these gentlemen consciously made a decision not to discuss those contentious topics, but to stick with what we now call science – which must have been something of a relief to them from the uncertainties of everyday life. But at that time the group was essentially a talking shop, not a centre for experiments. After the success of the Parliamentary forces, the former Royalist stronghold of Oxford was reorganised, with many people regarded as King’s men ejected from their posts and being replaced. This took several of the London group to Oxford, where Wilkins became Warden of Wadham College in 1648, and a member of the triumvirate overseeing the University on behalf of Oliver Cromwell in 1652. In 1656, Wilkins married Cromwell’s widowed sister, Robina, who was a couple of decades older than him, cementing his position in the establishment. By then, Cromwell was the Lord Protector, and gave Wilkins a special dispensation to marry even though his post as Warden officially required him to remain celibate. This seems not to have been pure self-interest on Wilkins’ part, because John Evelyn, who knew Wilkins well, tells us that he was:

  A most obliging person, [who] had married the Protector’s sister, to preserve the Universities from the ignorant Sacrilegious Commander and soldiers, who would fain have been demolishing all bothe [Oxford and Cambridge] and persons that pretended to learning.

  By the time Hooke came to Oxford, the group of experimental philosophers was already holding regular meetings (sometimes referred to as a ‘philosophical club’) at Wilkins’ rooms in Wadham. It was at this time that they began to put the ‘experiment’ into experimental philosophy. Hooke was, of course, already known to Wilkins through Busby, and Thomas Willis was another member of the ‘club’, which was some thirty strong. Willis was a physician and chemist who was particularly interested in the workings of the brain. He was also a member of another ‘club’ – the Westminster/Christ Church old-boy network (indeed, he had been a contemporary of Busby at Christ Church as an undergraduate). So it is no surprise that Hooke became an assistant to Willis, living in his house, Beam Hall, opposite Merton College Chapel, and preparing the medicines for Willis’ patients, as well as helping out with chemical experiments. It was from Willis, too, that Hooke learned dissection.

  If this meant that Hooke was neglecting his formal studies, it certainly did him no harm. And he was certainly more interested in learning, by whatever means, than many of the ‘young gentlemen’ who regarded their time at university as something of a holiday. Even at the height of the Puritan regime, with daily prayers at 5 a.m. and 5 p.m., services on Thursdays and Sundays and other devotions, it was necessary for the authorities to instruct the Dean of Christ Church to ‘take special care to reform all scandalous fashions of long and powdered hair, and habits contrary to the status of the University and that decency and modesty which is necessary for young students’, followed by a demand ‘to punish the abuse of swearing’. In 1653, the year Hooke went up, another edict took steps ‘for the repressing the immoderate expenses of youth in the College, that no gentleman commoner shall battel in the buttery above 5 shillings weekly’. Not that these financial restrictions would have meant much to the impoverished Hooke.

  There was, however, one new temptation that Hooke fell for, and consumed eagerly throughout his life. The first record of coffee being brewed in England comes from the diary of John Evelyn, who wrote on 10 May 1637 ‘There came in my time to the College [Balliol] one Nathaniel, out of Greece … He was the first I ever saw drink coffee.’ Nathaniel was later sent down (expelled), we don’t know why, but went on to become Bishop of Smyrna, so whatever misdemeanour it was didn’t harm his career. Perhaps partly thanks to his example, in 1651 the first coffee house in England was opened on the site of what is now The Grand Café, on the High Street. Its proprietor was a man called Jacob, from the Lebanon; the first coffee shop in London was opened the following year, by Pasqua Rosee, from Turkey, in St Michael’s Alley, off Cornhill. By the end of the 1650s, there were more than eighty coffee houses in the City of London. Apart from Hooke’s personal addiction to coffee (which may help to explain both the long hours he worked and some of his later ailments), this was an important event for science, as well as society at large, because coffee houses became the preferred meeting places of natural philosophers such as Hooke, Halley and their friend Christoph
er Wren. A coffee house even comes into the story of the discovery of the inverse square law of gravity.

  Although ‘only’ Willis’ assistant, Hooke attended meetings of the philosophical club, and absorbed knowledge from its other members, notably Seth Ward, the Savilian Professor of Astronomy; at Ward’s request, Hooke devised a mechanism to improve the regularity of a pendulum clock for astronomical timekeeping, and this led to a lifelong interest in clocks and the problem of finding longitude at sea. It was also here that he met Wren, and during his time in Oxford he continued his interest in flying. But the single most important thing that happened to Hooke in Oxford was that Wilkins introduced him to Robert Boyle, with the recommendation, which Boyle accepted, that Hooke should become Boyle’s assistant.